Rime de l'autunno
di Umberto Bottone (Auro D'Alba)
da Lumí d'argento (1906)
Rime de l'autunno
di Umberto Bottone (Auro D'Alba)
da Lumí d'argento (1906)
The Assisted Human Reproduction (AHR) Bill, which has been passed by the Oireachtas this week, has sparked some debate primarily around the issue of surrogacy. However, the Bill raises numerous other ethical issues that merit urgent attention, particularly with regard to embryo research and screening.
While the Assisted Human Reproduction Bill prohibits cloning and genetic manipulation that could affect future generations (germline modification), it permits various other forms of research on human embryos for ‘medical’ purposes, further dehumanising them.
The Bill also permits pre-implantation genetic screening (PGS) and diagnosis (PGD). These processes allow embryos to be screened for genetic or chromosomal anomalies, such as Down Syndrome. Embryos identified as carrying these anomalies can be discarded, with only those deemed free from certain disorders being selected and used for implantation. This practice is profoundly immoral. The desire for healthy children does not justify the destruction of embryos considered “defective”. This process is a form of eugenics, promoting the selection of the fittest embryos and the destruction of those who do not meet certain criteria.
As disability rights advocates have rightly argued, selecting against embryos with specific genetic conditions devalues the lives of individuals living with those conditions, perpetuating negative stereotypes and discrimination. Such practices reinforce societal biases against people with disabilities or anomalous conditions.
Another contentious issue addressed by the Bill is that of the sex selection of embryos. While the Bill generally prohibits sex selection, it allows exceptions in cases where there is a risk of a child being born with a genetic disease that affects only one sex, or one sex more than another. What is presented as a medical justification is, in reality, another form of eugenics. Here again, it is not the abnormal condition that is addressed and dismissed, but the person who carries it. Sex selection is not a cure or a preventive treatment; instead, the Bill allows the selection of healthy human beings at their embryonic stage and the destruction of the defective ones.
But we wonder how clinics in will police the law against the sex selection of healthy embryos. If the commissioning adults are not allowed to request it, then will the clinic itself implant embryos without knowing their sex? Or will there, in fact, be a nod and wink between the clinic and the couple which will result in the sex selection of embryos in practice? We might never know.
In summary, while the AHR Bill aims to regulate and advance assisted human reproduction technologies, it raises severe ethical concerns. These include the potential for eugenic practices, the devaluation of embryonic lives with disabilities, the implications of sex selection, and the ethical considerations surrounding embryo research. Disturbingly, none of these concerns have been adequately discussed in the Oireachtas so far.
A UNA FONTANA
A Bill that will allow surrogacy is currently being debated in the Seanad as it reaches the final stages of approval. The Government tells us it will not recognise commercial surrogacy, but in fact it will do so by allowing big payments to surrogate mothers under the heading “reasonable expenses”.
The Assisted Human Reproduction Bill 2022 addresses numerous issues related to artificial reproduction, such as IVF and embryo experimentation, which have deep ethical problems. However, another controversial aspect of the Bill relates to commercial surrogacy, which is banned in all EU countries.
In a previous blog, we raised serious concerns about an earlier draft of the Bill. With its progress in the Oireachtas, some approved amendments have exacerbated these issues, making the situation even worse.
An older version of the Bill would have banned payment of agencies or professionals who liaise with the surrogate mothers and organise the financial transactions with the commissioning parent(s).
The big change in the new version of the law is that while payment of intermediaries is still banned in Ireland, it allows for the payment of intermediaries overseas.
This double standard was criticised by a document of the Attorney General's office in 2022 but the Minister for Health, Stephen Donnelly, has ignored these warnings.
By permitting the payment of intermediaries abroad, the amended Bill is further endorsing a disguised form of commercial surrogacy, as these intermediaries often charge premium rates for their services.
The Bill purports to ban commercial surrogacy within the state, however, a closer examination reveals a loophole-laden framework that permits a multitude of “reasonable expenses” effectively transforming what is claimed to be altruistic surrogacy into a commercial endeavour under a different guise.
The scope of what constitutes “reasonable expenses” has been expanded in the new version of the Bill and includes numerous categories that significantly blur the line between altruistic and commercial surrogacy.
First, the Bill permits compensation for any loss of income the surrogate mother might incur due to her pregnancy. This can include a period of up to six months around the time of birth. If you are in a demanding, but low-paid job on casual hours and you are offered what amounts to a steady wage for up to six months, how is this not commercial, in effect? The period can be extended to 12 months if the surrogate is not able to work because of medical complications.
In practical terms, this provision means that a surrogate could receive a substantial sum if she has a well-paying job, thereby creating a financial incentive rather than merely covering a loss.
In the amended version of the Bill, the definition of loss of income has been expanded to include any “net loss” and this applies not only the surrogate mother but also the woman who donates the eggs.
Moreover, the Bill allows for the reimbursement of pre-natal and post-natal medical expenses. The extent of these expenses can be substantial, encompassing everything from routine check-ups to more complex medical treatments and procedures. Given the high costs associated with reproductive medicine, these reimbursements alone could amount to significant sums.
Travel and accommodation expenses related to medical appointments and the birth process are covered by “reasonable expenses”. This provision opens the door to potential exploitation. For instance, surrogates living far from top-tier medical facilities could claim extensive travel expenses, including frequent trips and extended stays in comfortable accommodations, all funded by the intending parents.
The Bill includes allowances for various supportive services. Surrogates can be reimbursed for housekeeping or childcare services if they are unable to perform these tasks due to their pregnancy. Maternity clothing and pregnancy aids are similarly covered, further increasing the financial support provided to the surrogate.
Counselling services, both legal and psychological, are another category of “reasonable expenses”. The surrogate mother and intending parents must receive independent legal advice, the costs of which are to be borne by the intending parents. These legal fees can be quite high, especially if involving extensive consultations or complex legal procedures. In practice, not only the surrogate mother but many other professionals involved in the surrogacy arrangement will be compensated under the broad heading of “reasonable expenses”.
The cumulative effect of these allowances is that the surrogate mother could receive a considerable amount of money. This comprehensive financial coverage effectively transforms surrogacy arrangements that are presented as purely altruistic into something that provides significant financial benefits to the surrogate mother. (In Canada, a surrogate mother can receive between $18,000 and $35,000, which is €12,000 to €24,000.)
In conclusion, while the Bill claims to ban commercial surrogacy, it does nothing of the sort in practice as it endorses commercial surrogacywhen it happens abroad. Moreover, its broad definition of reasonable expenses, when it happens in Ireland, creates a framework that is equivalent to commercial surrogacy in practice.
The Government is taking us for fools and the latest version of the Bill is even worse than the older version in this regard.
The number of abortions carried out in the UK in 2022 rose to its highest ever, according to new data, while births continued to decline. More than a quarter of pregnancies are now terminated before birth.
The year 2022 marked the highest number of recorded abortions in England and Wales since the Abortion Act was introduced. According to the latest official statistics, there were 251,377 abortions in 2022, reflecting a huge 17pc increase over the previous year. This significant surge has brought the annual abortion rate to 20.6 per 1,000 women aged 15 to 44 years. The rate was 16.4 ten years earlier.
Also in 2022, there were 605,479 births in England and Wales, which translates to approximately 37 abortions for every 100 live births. In other words, for every 100 babies conceived, more than a quarter (about 26) were aborted.
Scotland also saw a rise in terminations of life. Scottish statistics are reported a year ahead compared to English data, showing that in 2023 there were 18,207 abortions, a 10pc increase from 16,607 in 2022. This increase was observed across all age groups, with the abortion rate rising from 16.1 to 17.6 per 1,000 women aged 15–44, up from 11.5 in 2013.
While the rise had been gradual and constant over the past decade, recent figures represent a sharper uptick, explained by the widespread use of abortion pills. These accounted for 86pc of all abortions in England and Wales in 2022, and for 98pc in Scotland. Introduced as temporary measures during the Covid pandemic, the English and Scottish governments made the option to take both abortion pills at home permanent in 2022. Consequently, 61pc of all abortions in 2022 took place at home in England, while the figure for Scotland in 2023 was 57.6pc.
The England and Wales report highlights that a significant proportion of abortions in 2022 were repeat procedures. Specifically, 41pc of women undergoing abortions had previously had one or more abortions, up from 37pc in 2012.
Regarding marital status, the data remains consistent with previous years. In 2022, 82pc of abortions were performed on women whose marital status was recorded as ‘single.’ Among these, 51pc were single with a partner. These proportions have remained relatively stable over the last decade.
In 2022, 201 Irish residents had an abortion in England, not a substantial change from the 206 in the previous year. Of these, 53.5pc were single and 10pc had had a previous abortion. 80pc identified their ethnicity as Irish. For women resident in Ireland, the proportion of abortions performed under Ground C (the mental or physical health of the woman) increased from 50pc in 2021 to 63pc in 2022, while those under Ground E (substantial risk of fetal abnormality) decreased from 50pc to 37pc.
In at least 37 cases the baby was diagnosed with Down Syndrome, but in this respect the statistics are incomplete, and the actual number might be higher.
Public opinion and policymakers should reflect on these tragic figures and discuss how to reverse the deadly trend. Instead, both governments and opposition parties in the UK, as well as here in Ireland, are making abortion laws and policies increasingly liberal. This, coupled with the declining numbers of births and marriages, raises significant concerns about the future demographic and social landscape.
Festa del beato Pier Giorgio Frassati 2024 a Grottammare (AP) dal 14 giugno al 6 luglio.
Ci sarò anche io, venerdì 21 e sabato 22 giugno.
A General Election is due to take place in the UK on July 4. The Catholic Bishops’ Conference of England and Wales (CBCEW) have issued comprehensive guidance for voters ahead of the election. It applies Catholic social teachings to the issues of the day. The guidance emphasises the need to prioritise gospel values and the common good in political decision-making.
Below is an overview of the key topics highlighted by the bishops:
Domestic Poverty and Family Life and Taxation
The hierarchy urge voters to consider policies that support families, especially those struggling with poverty. This includes advocating for fair tax policies that do not disproportionately burden low-income families, ensuring access to affordable housing, and providing adequate social security benefits. The bishops stress the importance of safeguarding family life and creating an environment where children can thrive, which includes support for child-rearing parents and those with other caring responsibilities.
The bishops ask the the Government to recognise that “parents are the first and primary educators of their children and ensure that this right permeates through all education policy.” The bishops warn of campaigns to get rid of schools with a religious character, and to change the curriculum so that schools would no longer be able to keep their Catholic ethos. They ask the Government to support Catholic schools through policy and legislation which protects the legal foundations of well-established Catholic education.
The bishops urge voters to consider policies that protect life from conception to natural death. This includes opposing abortion and euthanasia, and supporting measures that provide care and support for the vulnerable, including the elderly, the disabled, and the terminally ill. The CBCEW advocate for a society that values all human life and provides the necessary support systems to uphold this value. They ask the Government to end the practice of medically unsupervised abortions in the home, through pills. They also oppose the attempts to extend abortion limits further.
Reflecting the teachings of Pope Francis in his encyclical “Laudato Si'”, the bishops call for policies that reduce carbon emissions, promote renewable energy, and encourage sustainable living practices. Additionally, they asked the Government to assist poorer countries to meet their targets and obligations regarding the environment.
Here the bishops call on the Government to work internationally to promote genuine human rights that respect the dignity of all people, and to partner with faith communities in helping deliver aid to the world’s poorest people. The bishops believe that “the Government should welcome refugees and asylum seekers with compassion, and ensure that the UK has both a fairer system of immigration and asylum and a secure border.”
The bishops call for a “compassionate and just approach” to immigration and asylum policies. They advocate for the protection of the rights and dignity of migrants and refugees, ensuring that they are treated with respect and provided with opportunities to work as soon as is practical. They should not be detained for substantial periods, the bishops say.
The bishops stress the importance of a criminal justice system that upholds the dignity of all individuals, including both victims and offenders. They advocate for a system that balances rehabilitation and punishment, supports restorative justice practices, and addresses the underlying social issues that contribute to criminal behavior.
In a video appeal, the president of the CBCEW, Cardinal Vincent Nichols, stresses the importance of active political engagement for all citizens, particularly Christians who are called to bring gospel values into the public sphere. He encouraged voters to question political candidates on the key issues the bishops highlighted and to make informed decisions that promote the common good.
Il più illustre cittadino di Schiavi d'Abruzzo è probabilmente il poeta e scrittore Auro D'Alba, pseudonimo di Umberto Bottone (1888-1965), con cui sono legato da una lontana parentela. Il mio bisnonno, Giovanni Bottone (1851-1927), era il cugino di secondo grado di Giuseppe Bottone (1861- 1928), padre di Auro D'Alba. In altre parole, mio nonno Angelo era il cugino di terzo grado di Auro D'Alba.
D'Alba fu noto e apprezzato nella prima metà del Novecento. Esponente di spicco del movimento futurista, ebbe un ruolo significativo nel regime fascista come capo dell'ufficio stampa delle cosiddette "camicie nere". Con la caduta del Fascismo, perse visibilità pubblica e venne dimenticato. Le sue opere non sono più state ristampate e si trovano oggi solo nei negozi di antiquariato librario.
Da un po' di tempo sto raccogliendo materiale su questo autore e utilizzerò il mio blog per condividere i risultati delle mie ricerche, pur non essendo questa la mia area di competenza accademica. Non ho intenti celebrativi o propagandistici, né posso vantare una conoscenza approfondita di questo autore. Piuttosto, sebbene la parentela sia lontana, mi ha suscitato dapprima curiosità e poi un reale interesse. Ho trovato in archivi e collezioni del materiale interessante e credo che sia utile divulgarlo nella speranza che qualcuno più esperto di me possa utilizzarlo per un lavoro critico approfondito.
Per chi desidera far conoscenza di questo poeta e scrittore, consiglio il volume di Alessandro Tucci "Auro D'Alba: Futurista inquieto", edito da Q Edizioni nel 2010.
Di seguito, troverete dei collegamenti alle pagine curate da me. Sono ancora incomplete e saranno costantemente aggiornate.
Bibliografia
- Contributi a riviste e giornali
Foto
Materiale in archivio
Recensioni di opere di Auro D'Alba
Musica