A Quiet Return? Adult Baptism and Conversion to Catholicism in a Secular Age

At Easter this year, 13,234 adults were baptised into the Catholic Church in France. Ten years ago, the figure was 4,124. When more than 8,000 adolescent baptisms were added, over 21,000 French teenagers and adults received baptism. In Toronto, 2,050 adult catechumens were baptised and another 1,620 already-baptised Christians entered full communion with the Catholic Church at Easter. Melbourne reported about 550 people entering the Church, 57 pc more than in 2025, after a 40 pc rise the year before. Brisbane’s cohort almost doubled, while Westminster gathered nearly 800 adults for its largest Rite of Election in fifteen years.[1]

Smaller but similar stories have appeared elsewhere. Belgium recorded 536 adult baptisms in 2025, compared with 362 in 2024 and 180 a decade earlier. The Netherlands reported more than 500 adult baptisms and over 100 receptions into the Church in 2024. Hong Kong had 2,500 Easter baptisms in 2026, including 1,600 adults, while Singapore prepared to welcome about 1,250 catechumens and candidates, its largest group in a decade.[2]

Any one of these reports might be explained as a local success. Together, they are harder to dismiss. They suggest that in a range of societie

s and cultures (European and Asian, Anglophone and Francophone, historically Catholic and religiously mixed) more adults, often younger adults, are approaching the Catholic Church for baptism or reception. The evidence does not yet establish a worldwide religious revival, but it does reveal an international phenomenon that deserves closer attention.

The rise in baptism is not confined to Catholicism. In the Church of England, adult baptisms increased from 7,800 in 2023 to 8,700 in 2024, while teenage baptisms and confirmations also rose.[3] In the United States, Southern Baptist congregations reported 263,075 baptisms in 2025, almost 5 pc more than the previous year and the fifth consecutive annual increase.[4]

What exactly is being counted?

The first caution is that these figures do not all measure the same thing. France counts adults actually baptised at Easter. Many English-speaking dioceses report everyone in an initiation programme together: unbaptised catechumens, already-baptised Christians preparing for full communion, and Catholics completing sacraments they did not receive earlier. Some countries use “adult baptism” for anyone over seven; others combine adolescents and adults. “Catechumens”, “candidates”, “converts”, “receptions” and “people entering the Church” are related but not interchangeable categories.[5]

There is therefore no single global statistic showing a uniform Catholic conversion boom. The evidence is better understood as a family of connected trends: clear rises in adult baptism in some countries, larger mixed initiation cohorts in others, and growing interest where exact sacramental figures are unavailable. That is still enough to justify serious attention, provided the differences are not concealed.

France: the strongest national evidence

France offers the clearest picture because its bishops publish a consistent national series. Adult baptisms rose from 4,124 in 2016 to 5,463 in 2023, 7,135 in 2024, 10,384 in 2025 and 13,234 in 2026. The number has therefore more than tripled in ten years, with the sharpest acceleration coming since 2023.[6]

The French reports also show who is coming. The most striking change is age. In 2020, catechumens aged 26-40 were roughly twice as numerous as those aged 18-25. By 2026, the younger group had overtaken them. Students form a growing share, but this is not simply a university or middle-class phenomenon. Workers, technicians and employees remain the largest socio-professional bloc, and candidates come from major cities, smaller towns and rural areas.[7]

Women remain more numerous than men in almost every age group. This matters because much public discussion of renewed religious interest has centred on young men. There may indeed be a change among some young males, but the best direct evidence on Catholic entrants does not show a male-dominated movement. Women were a clear majority in recent French cohorts, 57 pc of Southwark’s 2026 entrants and 54 pc of participants in the large American study discussed below.[8]

Religious background is varied. Many French catechumens still come from families retaining some Christian memory, even if faith was not practised. An increasingly important group, however, reports no religious tradition or little knowledge of Christianity. Others come from different religions. Converts from Islam are real but remain a small minority, about 3 pc in the 2026 French report.[9]

Motivation is where the statistics begin to turn into human stories. A 2026 French survey of 1,450 catechumens in 60 dioceses found that 40 pc linked their journey to an ordeal: illness, bereavement, suffering or a wider crisis of meaning. About one third reported a powerful spiritual experience. Others described prayer, reading Scripture, intellectual questioning, Christian beauty or the influence of a credible believer. One former atheist explained that he had wanted to understand why he did not believe. Only 11 pc identified social-media influencers as the principal trigger. The internet is part of the story, but rarely the whole story.[10]

What the Chicago study adds

The richest recent study of people in Catholic initiation programmes in the US comes from the Archdiocese of Chicago. In 2026 it surveyed 2,127 participants, in English and Spanish, across 20 American dioceses. The sample included 717 unbaptised catechumens, 715 already-baptised Christians seeking full communion and 695 Catholics completing initiation. Unlike the French figures, it is not a national baptism count. Its strength lies in showing why people come and what paths they follow.[11]

The leading motives were spiritual and existential, not political. Eighty-four per cent wanted a deeper spirituality or relationship with God; 77 pc wanted to grow in goodness and virtue; 76 pc sought a deeper understanding of truth; and 72 pc wanted inner peace. Liturgy, sacraments, tradition and the long intellectual inheritance of Catholicism also attracted many participants. Catholic positions on political or social controversies were much less important.

Here Chicago and France converge. In both, people describe a search for God, truth, coherence and a more substantial way of living. Crisis may open the door, but positive attractions matter too: beauty in worship, a serious conversation, a friendship, an admired Catholic, the discipline of prayer, or the discovery that Christianity has answers to questions the person had never previously explored.

Digital media were more prominent in Chicago than in France. About two thirds named at least one meaningful digital resource, and 40 pc said online material had helped them move forward in faith. Podcasts, videos, prayer apps and online Bible or theology programmes allow someone to investigate Catholicism privately before approaching a parish. Yet online interest normally has to become personal contact, catechesis, worship and membership of a real community.[12]

A global phenomenon, but not a global reversal

Religious-switching surveys provide another kind of evidence. Church reports measure a yearly flow, i.e. people baptised or received in a particular year. Surveys measure a stock, i.e. the proportion of adults who were not raised Catholic but now identify as Catholic. The two measures cannot be added together, but surveys reveal conversion in countries that publish few catechumenate statistics.

Recent Pew Research Center data found that adults not raised Catholic but now identifying as Catholic made up 6 pc of all adults in Kenya; 5 pc in South Korea and Hungary; 4 pc in Peru and Argentina; 3 pc in Colombia; and 2 pc in Spain, France, Brazil, Mexico, Australia, the United States and the Philippines. These are accumulated changes over many years, not one Easter’s baptisms, but they show that entry into Catholicism is not confined to France or to the West.[13]

The same surveys prevent easy triumphalism. Catholicism continues to suffer net losses through religious switching in most countries studied: the number of adults who leave is generally much larger than the number who enter. Rising annual baptisms and long-term institutional decline can therefore occur simultaneously. The new entrants are real and may be transforming particular communities, but they are not yet numerous enough to reverse decades of accumulated departures.

The United States offers a particularly detailed profile. Pew estimates that converts constitute about 8 pc of American Catholics. Of these, 59 pc were raised Protestant and 22 pc with no religion. Nearly half identified a spouse or marriage as the main reason they became Catholic; others cited Catholic teaching and history, a spiritual calling, or the influence of relatives and friends. Converts also reported somewhat higher weekly Mass attendance than cradle Catholics.[14]

The common profile

No single portrait fits everyone, but several findings recur. The newer cohorts are often younger than those of the recent past. Women still usually outnumber men. Converts come from varied social classes and educational levels. Some recover a half-forgotten Christian inheritance; others begin with no religion or move from another faith. Spouses, friends, grandparents, teachers, fellow students and welcoming parishioners are often decisive. Crisis, grief and inner emptiness initiate many journeys, while beauty, truth, moral seriousness, community and the desire for spiritual stability draw them further.

The pattern also corrects two common stereotypes. It is not mainly a movement of young men radicalised by the internet, although young men and digital media are both present. Nor is it simply a return of conventional family religion. Many entrants have had little contact with Christianity, and even those who approach the Church through a spouse, wedding or child’s sacrament may gradually make a personal decision that goes beyond the original practical reason.

The Covid hypothesis

The timing naturally raises the question of Covid. Many of the sharpest increases became visible after the pandemic. Lockdowns brought isolation, interrupted relationships and confronted millions with illness, mortality and uncertainty. They also forced churches to broadcast online, making religious services accessible to people who might never have entered a church. A simpler backlog effect is possible too: initiation programmes and baptisms delayed in 2020-21 may have enlarged later cohorts.

Research makes an existential effect plausible, although it does not prove that Covid caused the present baptismal increase. A German study based on about 7,500 respondents across thirteen survey waves in 2020 found that religiosity rose when people experienced the pandemic as a direct threat to their personal existential or economic security, but not merely when infection levels rose around them. A later study using Gallup World Poll data from 2.6 million respondents in 165 countries found that global religiosity, which had previously been declining slightly, generally increased during the pandemic years, although the scale and pattern varied among countries.[15]

These results fit the testimonies of catechumens who speak of suffering and a search for meaning. Yet neither the Chicago survey nor the French series establishes a causal link, and the growth has continued too long to be explained simply as postponed ceremonies. Covid may have been an accelerator, a catalyst or a moment of awakening for some; it is not a complete explanation.

A quiet religious revival?

Some have spoken of a “quiet revival” in religion, happening particularly in the West. An Iona Institute polls found that in Ireland, respondents aged 18-24 were more likely than those aged 25-34 to describe themselves as religious or spiritual and to consume religious or spiritual material. In Northern Ireland, we found that 18-24-year-olds were more likely than any other age group to have a “very positive” view of Christianity and were more engaged than the 25-34 group on several measures; yet about half said they were neither religious nor spiritual.[16]

The rise in adult baptisms does not mean that whole societies are returning to weekly worship or that decades of religious decline have suddenly been reversed. More cautiously, those figures suggest that there is a new trend and, within increasingly secular populations, a visible minority, often young, is becoming more curious, more open and sometimes more committed.

The secularisation paradox

The secularisation paradox is that adult baptisms can rise partly because a country has become less culturally Christian. When infant baptism declines, more children grow up unbaptised and some later choose baptism for themselves. As inherited Catholicism weakens, the smaller number who enter the Church do so more deliberately. Rising adult baptism and declining nominal affiliation are not opposites; they can be two results of the same transition from inherited religion to chosen religion.

The clearest national surges have been documented in highly secularised France, Belgium and the Netherlands. Comparable national trends have not yet been demonstrated in less secularised Catholic countries such as Spain, Italy or Poland, but this must be stated cautiously. Spain reports more than 1,000 adults requesting baptism each year without publishing a recent, comparable year-by-year series. Italy’s 2023 survey was incomplete, covering 128 of 226 dioceses, but found 742 catechumens, 47 pc of them aged 19-30; Milan’s adult catechumens have risen locally, reaching 101 in 2026. In the sources reviewed, no recent Polish national series comparable to France’s was found. The contrast may be real, or it may partly reflect differences in data collection and publication.[17]

There is nevertheless a plausible social mechanism. Where almost everyone was baptised as a child, there are fewer unbaptised adults available to become catechumens. Where cultural Catholicism has receded for a generation, a larger population reaches adulthood without baptism but may encounter Christianity later as something new. Secularisation can reduce the Church’s inherited numbers while creating the conditions for a smaller but more intentional form of belonging.

The unanswered question

The figures discussed in this paper should be neither dismissed nor inflated. In most Western countries, departures from Catholicism still greatly exceed entries. Yet adult initiation is real, increasingly visible and global enough to challenge predictions that religion will simply disappear. Even small numbers can alter a parish or diocese long before they alter a national census.

The central unanswered question is what happens after Easter. Churches count catechumens at the Rite of Election and baptisms at the Vigil, but rarely publish data on Mass attendance, parish involvement or continued practice one or two years later. Larger cohorts will have lasting significance only if neophytes find friendship, formation, responsibility and living communities. The rise is substantial enough to matter pastorally, hopeful enough to deserve attention and still too young and uneven to justify triumphal claims.

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[1] Conférence des évêques de France, Dossier de presse: Catéchumènes 2026, https://eglise.catholique.fr/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2026/03/20260325_Dossier_presse_catechumenes_2026.pdf; Archdiocese of Toronto, ‘Easter Vigil Celebrations Baptize 2,000 Catholics’, https://www.archtoronto.org/en/outreach/news/archdiocesan/easter-vigil-celebrations-baptize-2000-catholics/; Diocese of Westminster, ‘Largest Rite of Election for 15 years’, https://rcdow.org.uk/news/largest-rite-of-election-for-15-years/; Brisbane Catholic Leader, ‘Brisbane welcomes nearly double the number of people at Rite of Election than previous year’, https://catholicleader.com.au/news/qld/brisbane-welcomes-nearly-double-the-number-of-people-at-rite-of-election-than-previous-year/.

[2] Vicariat de Bruxelles, ‘Augmentation du nombre de baptêmes d’adultes: 50 % en plus par rapport à 2024 et 200 % en plus sur 10 ans’, https://www.catho-bruxelles.be/communique-augmentation-du-nombre-de-baptemes-dadultes-50-en-plus-par-rapport-a-2024-et-200-en-plus-sur-10-ans/; Rooms-Katholiek Kerkgenootschap, ‘Toetredingen tot de Rooms-Katholieke Kerk stijgen in 2024 met bijna 40 procent’, https://www.rkkerk.nl/toetredingen-tot-de-rooms-katholieke-kerk-stijgen-in-2024-met-bijna-40-procent/; Agenzia Fides, ‘The Diocese of Hong Kong prepares to celebrate 2,500 baptisms at Easter’, https://www.fides.org/en/news/77472-Three_weeks_of_Scrutinies_The_Diocese_of_Hong_Kong_prepares_to_celebrate_2_500_baptisms_at_Easter; Vatican News, ‘Singapore: Largest number of new Catholics this Easter’, https://www.vaticannews.va/en/church/news/2026-03/singapore-southeast-asia-baptism-easter-catechumens.html.

[3]‘Attendance at Church of England churches rises for the fourth year in a row’, https://www.churchofengland.org/media/press-releases/attendance-church-england-churches-rises-fourth-year-row

[4]‘Southern Baptists see attendance, baptism gains amid membership declines’, https://www.baptistpress.com/resource-library/news/southern-baptists-see-attendance-baptism-gains-amid-membership-declines/ These figures are not directly comparable with Catholic adult-baptism statistics, since the Southern Baptist total includes children and adolescents, but they suggest a broader increase in Christian initiation.

[5] For the methodological distinction, see Archdiocese of Chicago, Why Are So Many People Becoming Catholic? 20 U.S. Catholic Dioceses Collaborate to Study Emerging Interest in the Catholic Church, pp. 5-7, https://www.archchicago.org/documents/d/aoc/ocia-report-1; and Catholic Bishops’ Conference of England and Wales, Statistics 2024, https://www.cbcew.org.uk/statistics-2024/.

[6] Conférence des évêques de France, ‘Le baptême des adultes: chaque année, un signe de foi fort’, https://eglise.catholique.fr/approfondir-sa-foi/la-celebration-de-la-foi/les-sacrements/le-bapteme/baptemes-adultes/.

[7] Conférence des évêques de France, Dossier de presse: Catéchumènes 2026; see also the official 2024 results, ‘Résultats record en 2024 du nombre de catéchumènes en France’, https://eglise.catholique.fr/espace-presse/communiques-de-presse/550845-resultats-record-en-2024-du-nombre-de-catechumenes-en-france/.

[8] Archdiocese of Chicago, Why Are So Many People Becoming Catholic?, p. 14; Archdiocese of Southwark, ‘Record number of adults received into the Catholic Church in Southwark’, https://rcaos.org.uk/news-events/news/record-number-of-adults-received-into-the-catholic-church-in-southwark/; Conférence des évêques de France, 2023 and 2024 catechumenate reports.

[9] Conférence des évêques de France, Dossier de presse: Catéchumènes 2026, p. 7.

[10] Conférence des évêques de France, ‘Demandes de baptêmes: d’où viennent-elles?’, based on a survey of 1,450 catechumens in 60 dioceses, https://eglise.catholique.fr/approfondir-sa-foi/la-celebration-de-la-foi/les-sacrements/le-bapteme/baptemes-adultes/570512-origines-demandes-baptemes/.

[11] Archdiocese of Chicago, Why Are So Many People Becoming Catholic?, pp. 4-8.

[12] Ibid., especially the sections on motivations, educational attainment and digital media.

[13] Pew Research Center, ‘Catholicism has lost people to religious switching in many countries, while Protestantism has gained in some’, https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2026/04/23/catholicism-has-lost-people-to-religious-switching-in-many-countries-while-protestantism-has-gained-in-some/.

[14] Pew Research Center, ‘US Catholic converts: Who they are and why they converted’, https://www.pewresearch.org/religion/2025/06/16/profile-of-us-converts-to-catholicism/.

[15] Eylem Kanol and Ines Michalowski, ‘Impact of the COVID-19 Pandemic on Religiosity: Evidence from Germany’, Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 62, no. 2 (2023), https://doi.org/10.1111/jssr.12834; Kodai Kusano and Jaime L. Napier, ‘Did the COVID-19 Pandemic Change the Global Trend in Religiosity? An Interrupted Time Series Analysis of Survey Data from 165 Countries (2005-2024)’, Social Psychological and Personality Science, online first 15 February 2026, https://doi.org/10.1177/19485506261418340.

[16] The Iona Institute, ‘New poll shows public split in attitudes towards the Catholic Church’, https://ionainstitute.ie/new-poll-shows-public-deeply-split-in-attitudes-towards-the-catholic-church-2/; and ‘Big revival of interest in religion among many young people in Northern Ireland, says new poll’, https://ionainstitute.ie/big-revival-of-interest-in-religion-among-many-young-people-in-northern-ireland-says-new-poll/.

[17] Comisión Episcopal para la Evangelización, Catequesis y Catecumenado, ‘Más de 1000 adultos solicitan recibir el bautismo cada año en España’, https://evangelizacion.conferenciaepiscopal.es/mas-de-1000-adultos-solicitan-recibir-el-bautismo-cada-ano-en-espana/; Ufficio Catechistico Nazionale, Cristiani a ogni età: La raccolta dati ‘23, reporting replies from 128 of Italy’s 226 dioceses and 742 catechumens, https://catechistico.chiesacattolica.it/wp-content/uploads/sites/11/2024/11/28/Catecumenato_dati-2023.pdf; Archdiocese of Milan, ‘La carica dei 101 catecumeni verso la Traditio’, https://www.chiesadimilano.it/news/chiesa-diocesi/la-carica-dei-101-catecumeni-verso-la-traditio-2867624.html.

OpenAI Codex was used to assist with collecting, processing and checking data. Responsibility for the analysis and conclusions remains with the author

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Lessons from Italy’s catastrophic demographic decline

Last year, Italy, my country, recorded just 355,000 births in a population of about 59 million. That corresponds to a fertility rate of 1.14 children per woman of childbearing age, one of the lowest in Europe and indeed in the world. Around 650,000 Italians are now dying each year. You can see the direction of travel. It is catastrophic.

Italy, unfortunately, has a long history of below-replacement-level birth rates. Economic factors certainly matter, but a recent television programme suggested that the crisis goes deeper. Among the guests, the president of the Federation of Catholic Family Associations in Europe (FAFCE), Vincenzo Bassi, offered a compelling diagnosis: it is also about loneliness, trust, culture and the way society imagines the future.

The programme began with interviews with Italian university students. Some said they would like children, but only after their thirties. Others were unsure they would ever be able to afford a family. One young woman described lifelong commitment as an “encumbrance”; another said having children had become “almost a luxury.” Several spoke of uncertainty, not only about their own prospects, but about the state of the world itself.

Vincenzo Bassi did not deny the economic pressures, but he argued that the central problem is more existential and social. “The real problem is loneliness,” he said. A society may offer tax breaks and incentives, but if men and women feel isolated, unsupported and mistrustful, policies alone will struggle to reverse the decline.

Bassi also insisted that demography must be seen as part of any serious discussion of sustainable development. “Sustainable development is not possible without intergenerational balance,” he said. Children should not be viewed as a burden on public finances, but as part of a society’s human capital and future stability.

His remarks also carried a cultural and communal dimension. Too often, demographic decline is treated as something relevant only to families. Bassi reminds us that it affects everyone. A society without children is not simply poorer in numbers; it is weaker in continuity, solidarity and hope.

He suggested that birth rates might look different if they were measured not just across territories, but within real communities where people feel less alone. Later, reflecting on examples from Trentino-Alto Adige, the region in the North-East of Italy which has the highest fertility rate, Bassi highlighted their family-friendly environments. “Families, when they are in a network, are more stable and more generative”, he claimed.

After Bassi, the programme turned to the medical dimension of delayed parenthood with gynaecologist Maurizio Guida. His intervention was brief but blunt. Social expectations may have changed, he said, but biology has not. “The social change does not coincide with a change in human physiology.” Many young adults now imagine their thirties as the natural time to begin thinking about children. Yet Guida warned that female fertility declines sharply after 35 and falls further after 42 or 43.

Taken together, Bassi and Guida offered a powerful diagnosis. Italy’s birth crisis is not only about the economy. It is about loneliness, weak communities, cultural uncertainty, and a society that often ignores the conditions in which family life can flourish. Unless those deeper realities are faced, the country will continue to drift into demographic decline.

What draws young people to Christianity?

 

New research by the Evangelical Alliance investigates how people in the UK came to Christian faith in adult life. The Finding Jesus report explores those who either converted to Christianity or returned to it after a period of disengagement, across a range of denominations, though most respondents were Protestant.

The findings relating to young people aged 18–24 are particularly interesting. Forty-seven young people in this age group took part in the survey out of a total of 280. One notable result is that more young men than young women are becoming interested in religion. This new trend has also been observed in other countries and marks a departure from long-standing patterns still seen among older converts, who remain more likely to be female.

Opinion polls commissioned by The Iona Institute in both parts of this island show an uptick in openness to religion among 18-24-year-olds, bucking the previous trend of declining interest per generation.

What precisely drew the respondents to Christianity? The report answers as follows: “Overall, one fifth [of respondents] cited intellectual or philosophical curiosity, and similar numbers said attending a church service or other Christian event had kick-started their curiosity, but three sets of factors were most common: internal, personal or existential problems; actions or words of Christians they knew; and some sort of supernatural experience. For some, their experience of brokenness was clear: fractured relationships, substance misuse and mental health challenges. For others, things looked great from the outside. They had everything they thought would make them happy: family, money, career and friends. Yet despite this, they still felt like something was missing.”

What often brought belief into focus for younger adults was witnessing faith lived out in someone close to them. When Christianity was seen to make a tangible difference in another person’s life, it ceased to be abstract. As one participant put it: “My sister had become a Christian and it had improved her life drastically. I had a conversation with her and after I started doing the Bible in One Year app.” Such personal examples gave faith credibility and clarity amid spiritual uncertainty. Older adults, instead, are more likely to cite intellectual exploration or major life events as decisive turning points.

Conversion was rarely easy. Forty-three per cent of 18–24s struggled with the challenge of changing their lifestyle, according to the report. Adopting Christian beliefs often meant rethinking habits, relationships and priorities at an age when experimentation and personal freedom are culturally encouraged.

Community support proved crucial in sustaining these changes. Close friends were the single most influential factor, cited by 43pc of respondents. This reflects a broader reality of young adulthood: as identities are formed independently of family, peers become the primary source of validation and guidance.

Churches were not always the main entry point for the younger group. A quarter cited Christian events other than church, such as festivals, student gatherings or informal groups, as especially important. These settings often felt less intimidating and more socially accessible. Older adults, instead, are more likely to encounter Christianity directly through church attendance.

Taken together, these findings suggest that young adults who embrace Christianity today are not doing so lightly or unthinkingly. Their journeys are shaped by relationships, lived example and real personal cost. Faith, when it takes root, does so not because it is inherited or imposed, but because it is seen to offer meaning, coherence and direction in a confusing world.

The young adult sample in this survey was small, comprising just 47 respondents, so it would be hasty to speak of a revival by numbers. Nevertheless, the findings point to a quieter and more relational rediscovery of faith, often against the prevailing cultural current.

More good news on the ‘quiet revival’ front

 

After decades of steady decline, the proportion of Americans who identify as Christians appears to have stabilised, according to a major new survey by the Pew Research Center. Moreover, the youngest age group surveyed – the 18 to 24-year-olds – seems to be somewhat more religious than age groups immediately above them. This is similar to polling finding here in Ireland, both in the North and the South.

The survey is called the ‘Religious Landscape Study’ (RLS). It is a vast project involving almost 37,000 adults. Becaure the US census does not collect information on religion, the RLS is the country’s most authoritative measure of religious composition.

An important finding is that for the first time in years, the youngest adults in the United States are more likely to identify as Christians than other young people. Fifty-one percent of Americans aged 18 to 24 identify as Christian compared with 45pc of those aged 24 to 34.

Aside from the two polls commissioned by the Iona Institute, a recent survey from Britain showed the same pattern.

These findings challenge the assumption that each new age cohort will be less religious than the one before, suggesting instead that a plateau in secularisation may have been reached.

Even more striking is a subtle but significant gender shift within these younger groups. Historically, across every age cohort, American women have tended to be more religious than men. Yet among today’s young adults, this pattern has reversed, according to the Pew Center survey. Young men are slightly more likely than young women to say that religion is “very important” in their lives. This reversal, if it continues, would mark a major cultural change in the gender profile of American religiosity.

Despite the stabilisation among Christians, a substantial minority of the population say they have no religion. Nearly three in ten Americans now call themselves atheists, agnostics or “nothing in particular”, up from 23pc in 2014 and just 16pc in 2007. However, the rate of growth is slower than in recent years. The shift is visible across the political spectrum, but it is much more pronounced among liberals than among conservatives. A large majority of conservatives still identify as Christian, according to the survey.

Within American Christianity itself, Protestants remain the largest group, making up 40pc of adults, while Catholics account for 19pc. Both proportions have declined significantly since 2007. However, the Protestant share has held relatively steady since 2019, and the Catholic share has shown little change since 2014, with only minor year-to-year fluctuations.

The survey also highlights demographic differences that may shape future trends. Christians report an average completed fertility rate of 2.2 children per respondent, compared with 1.8 among the religiously unaffiliated and 1.8 among followers of non-Christian religions. Higher birth rates among Christians may help keep numbers steady, but what also matters in the long run is whether children raised Christian stay Christian as adults.

Together, these findings suggest that the long decline of Christianity in the United States may have paused, and that the youngest generation, far from accelerating secularisation, may be playing a part in this unexpected stabilisation.

Leaving faith or finding it: the human impact behind Britain’s spiritual shift

Conversion into Christianity provides meaning, positive outcomes, and social integration, while leaving a religious faith often coincides with disorientation and emotional decline, according to a new study.

“The Changing Landscape of Faith in Britain: Rebirth, Renewal and Reimagining”, a newly released report by the Institute for the Impact of Faith in Life, focuses on those who have changed their religious identity in Britain. Rather than a steady march towards secularism, the country is experiencing a re-composition of belief and belonging.

What stands out most in the report is the different emotional and social impact of leaving versus entering the Christian faith. Among those who have left Christianity, two-thirds report no positive outcomes from their decision. Very few describe improvements in emotional health, purpose, or community life: only 19pc feel emotionally healthy, just 12pc report a stronger sense of purpose, and a mere 9pc say they have gained community connection. For many, leaving faith appears to coincide with disorientation, a diminished sense of coherence, and a decline in wellbeing.

The pattern is almost reversed among new Christian converts. Their stories often begin in moments of rupture, such as a bereavement, mental health struggles, or periods of existential questioning. Yet the transition into faith brings pronounced benefits, according to the study. Forty-five percent report a stronger sense of purpose and 44pc a more positive outlook. More than a third describe improvements in emotional wellbeing, relationships, and their sense of belonging. Only 27pc say they experienced no benefits at all. Conversion to Christianity, for many, seems to offer what modern Britain struggles to provide elsewhere: meaning, coherence, and social integration.

Becoming atheist, by contrast, is often described as a desire for ethical consistency and intellectual clarity. Yet it yields few emotional gains. Over 70pc of respondents who became atheist report no significant positive outcomes. While atheism may resolve intellectual tensions, it rarely offers the frameworks of belonging, community, or purpose that religious traditions, especially Christianity, continue to embody.

The report also shows that while traditional institutional Christianity may be shrinking in cultural reach, it remains the most dynamic religion in terms of movement, attracting new adherents even as many others drift away. People move between denominations, deepen commitment, or rediscover their faith.

As the report notes, “Christianity is simultaneously contracting in broad cultural affiliation and yet showing signs of renewal through more intense, younger converts or people re-engaging with their faith.”

Islam, by contrast, is more stable, with modest inflow and very limited outflow.

Dharmic traditions, including Hinduism, Buddhism, and Sikhism, also feature modest but steady inflow, reflecting Britain’s increasing religious diversification. These faiths offer healing, personal growth, philosophical depth, and an adaptable spiritual framework, often tailored to the needs of individuals who shift away from institutional religions. 

Alongside this, more personalised and wellbeing-oriented meaning systems are emerging, such as pagan and Wiccan practices, and eclectic therapeutic worldviews.

Regional patterns may vary as well, with Wales and Northern Ireland showing notably low levels of religious movement.

A far-reaching ruling on religious education in State schools in Northern Ireland

The UK Supreme Court has delivered an important judgment on religious education in a Northern Ireland primary school, ruling that the current way religion is taught amounts to ‘indoctrination’, and that the right to withdraw a child from religious education class should not be unduly burdensome on the child. The ruling does allow that religious education class can give a special place to Christianity in view of Northern Ireland’s history, but that religion must be taught in an “objective, critical and pluralistic” manner. This will be tricky to pull off, because done the wrong way, you can easily end up relativising religion, and that would not be “objective, critical and pluralistic” at all. There is really no neutral way to teach religion.

The case in question involved a young girl from Belfast and her father. Both argued that their school’s Christian-centred religious education and daily worship practices failed to respect their non-religious beliefs, breaching their rights under the European Convention on Human Rights. These include the right to education that respects a family’s convictions, and the right to freedom of religion or belief.

The school followed Northern Ireland’s “core syllabus”, a statutory curriculum that focuses heavily on Christianity for obvious historical reasons. The RE course was devised by the four main Churches in the North. The parents did not object to learning about religion, but said the teaching was not ‘objective’ or ‘pluralistic’ enough for a publicly funded school.

A key point in this case was the statutory “right to withdraw”. In both Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland, parents can request that their child be exempted from religious education or worship. But the parents said this right was unworkable in practice. Their daughter would have been the only child to leave the classroom, creating a risk of embarrassment or social isolation. No meaningful alternatives existed, the court said, and the burden fell on the parents to negotiate arrangements with the school. The courts accepted that this made the right more theoretical than real. (Interestingly, no-one ever seems to worry about the embarrassment a child might feel when they are withdrawn from sex education class).

The Supreme Court ultimately found that the school’s approach breached the family’s human rights. It agreed that the teaching was not “objective, critical and pluralistic”, and that the right of withdrawal, although formally available, was practically ineffective. As mentioned, is such a way to teaching religion achievable in practice, or do you automatically end up relativising all religions?

However, the Court was careful not to condemn the entire Northern Irish system. It did not declare that all schools are discriminatory. Instead, it confirmed that in this specific school, for this particular family, the arrangements did not comply with human-rights standards. The warning is gentle but unmistakeable: publicly funded religious education must be educational, not devotional, and withdrawal must be easy and non-stigmatising. 

Could this case have been avoided simply by accommodating the family’s right to withdraw? In a narrow sense, yes. If the school had offered a respectful, practical alternative that did not single the child out, the court might well have found no breach. But the ruling also highlights a deeper point: withdrawal alone cannot fix a curriculum that lacks pluralism. Religious education itself must be delivered in a way that respects diverse beliefs, regardless of who opts out.

Although the Supreme Court issued a strong judgment, the reliefs granted remain purely declaratory. This means the Court formally stated that the family’s rights were breached, but it did not strike down any legislation or require the government to change its policies. The responsibility for reform now lies with the Department of Education and school authorities.

In the North, 48,896 Protestant children and only 6,281 Catholics attend these State-funded, State-run schools. Another 25,453 are from other religions (including non-denominational Christianity) or have no religion.

The North’s Education Minister, Paul Givan, has promised to ensure that a Christian ethos in the region’s public schools is maintained. We will see what happens.

The ruling may also resonate south of the border. Irish courts are not bound by UK decisions, but they often regard them as persuasive, especially on shared human-rights principles. As both societies become more religiously diverse, the case is likely to fuel wider conversations about how faith is taught in publicly funded schools.

Faith on Their Own Terms: How Young People Are Redefining Religion

Britain’s overall attitude towards faith is changing, and the younger generation appears more receptive to this shift, according to a new report.

Faith is becoming less a matter of family heritage and more a personal choice, and it is increasingly viewed as a resource to improve mental health.

Since the 1970s, the steady secularisation of Western societies has often been seen as inevitable. Yet recent polling in various countries, including Ireland (see here and here), suggests that younger generations may be showing a slight renewed interest in religion compared to the previous one, indicating a possible reversal of long-term religious decline.

The new report "The Next Generation of Faith: Journeys, Meaning and Wellbeing" produced by the Institute for the Impact of Faith in Life (IIFL), explores how attitudes towards faith are changing among young adults in Britain.

It examines the experiences of those who have moved towards religion as well as those who have stepped away, offering insight into the motivations and values shaping these shifts.

The picture emerging is not one of simple decline or abandonment, but of re-evaluation. For many aged 18–34, faith is no longer something accepted by default due to upbringing or cultural expectation. Instead, they are far more likely to make decisions about religion on their own terms. Personal authenticity carries considerable weight: beliefs must align with one’s values, sense of identity and understanding of the world. If they do not, there is little sense of obligation to remain within the tradition in which one was raised. In this way, faith is becoming more intentional rather than inherited.

This emphasis on autonomy is accompanied by a shift in what faith is perceived to be for. Many young adults now approach faith less as a fixed belief system and more as a personal resource to improve their mental and emotional wellbeing, according to the report.

“40pc of 18-34s that are moving into faith/changing religions are doing so because of a desire for personal transformation or healing. This goes down to 29pc for those older than 35”, the report says.

Younger people are far more aware of their psychological health and are attentive to practices that support reflection and self-understanding. For some, faith offers these benefits, providing space for meaning and emotional regulation. For others, faith is abandoned precisely because it is felt to lack compassion or emotional relevance.

The report also finds that younger adults engage more critically with questions of social justice and global crisis. Many struggle to reconcile such urgent challenges with religious frameworks that seem detached or inadequate.
“Of all the 18-34s that feel that global events have made them feel the world is increasingly unfair, 70pc moved away from faith. Among those older than 35, this is only 48pc”, the report notes.

Taken together, these findings highlight a movement away from socially embedded, inherited religion towards forms of belief or non-belief that are more flexible, personal and self-directed. Faith, where it persists, tends to be reflective and selectively integrated into a broader framework of identity.

 

Another study shows greater openness to religion among young people

People used to mainly inherit their religion, like their politics, from their parents. This is no longer the case and hasn’t been for a long time. Now people often have to acquire religion (and politics) for themselves. It is a much more individualistic thing. A new report from Britain overall highlights this fact but shows younger people are sometimes attracted to religion because of its undoubted connection to improved mental and physical wellbeing.

In fact, polling in various countries, including Ireland (see here and here), suggests growing openness to religion among some young adults, especially those aged 18-24. This indicates a possible reversal of long-term religious decline.

The new report “The Next Generation of Faith: Journeys, Meaning and Wellbeing” produced by the Institute for the Impact of Faith in Life (IIFL), explores how attitudes towards faith are changing among young adults in Britain.

It examines the experiences of those who have moved towards religion as well as those who have stepped away, offering insight into the motivations and values shaping these shifts.

The picture emerging is not one of simple decline or abandonment, but of re-evaluation. For many aged 18–34, faith is no longer something accepted by default due to upbringing or cultural expectation. Instead, they are far more likely to make decisions about religion on their own terms. Personal authenticity carries considerable weight: beliefs must align with one’s values, sense of identity and understanding of the world. If they do not, there is little sense of obligation to remain within the tradition in which one was raised. In this way, faith is becoming more intentional rather than inherited.

This emphasis on autonomy is accompanied by a shift in what faith is perceived to be for. Many young adults now approach faith less as a fixed belief system and more as a personal resource to improve their mental and emotional wellbeing, according to the report.

“40pc of 18-34s that are moving into faith/changing religions are doing so because of a desire for personal transformation or healing. This goes down to 29pc for those older than 35”, the report says.

Younger people are far more aware of their psychological health and are attentive to practices that support reflection and self-understanding. For some, faith offers these benefits, providing space for meaning and emotional regulation. For others, faith is abandoned precisely because it is felt to lack compassion or emotional relevance.

The report also finds that younger adults engage more critically with questions of social justice and global crisis. Many struggle to reconcile such urgent challenges with religious frameworks that seem detached or inadequate.

“Of all the 18-34s that feel that global events have made them feel the world is increasingly unfair, 70pc moved away from faith. Meanwhile, for those older than 35, this is only 48pc.”, the report notes.

This is a bit ironic given that the Churches tend to talk about social justice and climate issues a lot.

Taken together, the findings of the report highlight a movement away from socially embedded, inherited religion towards forms of belief or non-belief that are more flexible, personal and self-directed. Faith, where it persists, tends to be reflective and selectively integrated into a broader framework of identity.

Saint John Henry Newman: Doctor of the Church

Today, Pope Leo will proclaim Saint John Henry Newman a new Doctor of the Church. This is an event of immense significance for the universal Church, for educators, and for all who care about the dialogue between faith and reason. Newman’s thought, born in the intellectual ferment of nineteenth-century Oxford and matured through his years in Rome, Dublin and Birmingham, continues to speak with extraordinary vigour to our age of rapid change and fragile certainties.

To mark this occasion, I am deeply honoured to have contributed in various ways to the reflection on  Saint Newman’s legacy.

This week The Irish Catholic publishes my article “John Henry Newman: Doctor of the classroom and the soul”. The piece explores Newman’s lifelong dedication to teaching, his founding of the Catholic University of Ireland, and his vision of education as a spiritual work, a friendship of minds and hearts in the pursuit of truth.

Here below you will find the full text of that article.

I have also explored Newman’s vision in other contexts.

My article “In cammino verso l’unità interiore” was published in the Italian edition of L’Osservatore Romano on 30 October 2025, reflecting on Newman’s journey towards interior unity and the harmony of faith and intellect.

I have also contributed a chapter on “Newman’s Engagement with Locke’s Epistemology” to the new Gracewing volume "John Henry Newman the educator. His formation, philosophy and lecacy", which examines the philosophical and theological horizons of  the thought of the British cardinal.

I gave an interview to Tempi.it about Newman as “the Doctor of the Church who surrendered to truth”, later translated into Portuguese for Padre Paulo Ricardo.

A short piece, also appeared on the weekly newspaper of the Diocese of Venice, in Italy.

 

John Henry Newman: Doctor of the classroom and the soul”

It should come as no surprise that Pope Leo chose the Jubilee of Educators (1 November) as the occasion to proclaim Saint John Henry Newman a Doctor of the Church. Few figures in modern Christianity have embodied so completely the vocation of education as a service to truth and to the integral formation of the human person. Newman was a theologian, preacher and apologist, but above all an educator in the fullest sense of the word. In his journal he once confessed: “From first to last, education, in the broad sense of the term, has been my line.” His entire life can be read as a long, steady commitment to the art of educating both minds and hearts in the pursuit of truth.

For half of his life Newman lived and worked in Oxford, the intellectual heart of England. There he matured his deep reflection on the nature of education. As a tutor at Oriel College, he experienced first-hand the power of personal influence, the transformative encounter between teacher and student. He realised that authentic knowledge does not arise solely from books or lectures but from the meeting of two souls, from the living transmission of ideas, example and values. After his conversion to Catholicism in 1845, this conviction became the guiding principle of his educational work.

Newman’s first great project after conversion was the Catholic University of Ireland, inaugurated in Dublin in 1854. His aim was nothing less than to offer Irish Catholics, long excluded from the academic world, an institution that could unite intellectual excellence with a strong spiritual and moral formation. Later, in Birmingham, he founded the Oratory School, a secondary school intended to embody the same ideals in the education of boys.

The heart of Newman’s educational vision lies in his masterpiece, The Idea of a University, written in Dublin. For Newman, education could never be reduced to technical training or professional preparation. It was, rather, a journey towards wisdom, an inner growth that embraces the whole person. A true university, he wrote, does not exist to serve immediate or utilitarian ends, but to cultivate the intellect and to form in students a critical and generous mind. Its task is to shape men and women capable of thinking, discerning and acting with conscience.

Such a vision was strikingly counter-cultural in the nineteenth century, an age dominated by industrial expansion and the utilitarian creed of efficiency and profit. Newman looked with concern on a culture that prized usefulness over goodness and tended to fragment knowledge into technical specialisms. “Though the useful is not always good, the good is always useful,” he wrote. Knowledge, he argued, has value in itself and precisely for that reason it is also fruitful, because only a mind formed by truth and a heart directed towards the good can truly serve society.

At the centre of Newman’s philosophy stands a profound harmony between faith and reason. He saw them not as competing forces but as two converging paths towards the same truth. In his Dublin lectures he defended the place of theology within the circle of university disciplines: to exclude it, he argued, would be to mutilate the very idea of universal knowledge.

“If a University be a place of instruction where universal knowledge is professed,” he wrote, “and if in a certain University, so called, the subject of Religion is excluded, one of two conclusions is inevitable: either, on the one hand, that the province of Religion is very barren of real knowledge, or, on the other, that in such a University one special and important branch of knowledge is omitted.”

For Newman, the university was to be a home for all the sciences, including the knowledge of God.

This insight spoke directly to the Irish context of his time. The new Catholic University of Ireland was a bold attempt to reconcile modern intellectual life with the faith of a people emerging from centuries of religious marginalisation. Newman’s brief tenure as its first rector was not without frustration: he faced inadequate funding, political tension, and an educational system still recovering from the wounds of the Penal era. Yet the experiment left a lasting mark.

Among those who gave lustre to the Catholic University was the Jesuit poet Gerard Manley Hopkins, who taught Greek and Latin there in the 1880s. Hopkins’s sense of beauty, his sacramental vision of the world and his conviction that “Christ plays in ten thousand places” reflect Newman’s own belief that faith and culture should illuminate one another. One of the University’s most famous students, James Joyce, would later recall in his writings the complex intellectual atmosphere shaped by Newman’s influence.

A cornerstone of Newman’s educational thought is his emphasis on personal relationships. He was convinced that teaching must never become impersonal or mechanical. He criticised universities where contact between professors and students was minimal or purely administrative. During his Oxford years he developed a tutorial model grounded in friendship, dialogue and shared life. A tutor, he wrote, is not merely a dispenser of knowledge but a moral and spiritual guide, a mentor standing in loco parentis.

This belief shaped his later foundation, the Oratory School in Birmingham. The school was designed to unite intellectual formation with moral and spiritual growth in a family-like atmosphere. Among its most celebrated pupils was Hilaire Belloc, the future writer and Catholic apologist, whose wit and intellectual independence bore the stamp of Newman’s spirit. Another connection, though indirect, was J.R.R. Tolkien. He never attended the Oratory School, yet after his mother’s death he was raised under the guardianship of Fr Francis Xavier Morgan, an Oratorian priest and disciple of Newman’s first generation. Through him Tolkien absorbed that same vision of faith, learning and integrity which later infused his imagination.

At the root of all this lay Newman’s conviction that education is a spiritual work. A teacher does not form intellects alone but whole persons. He does not merely communicate ideas; he communicates a presence, an influence. True teaching, Newman believed, is an act of friendship, a sharing of life. The influence of a good teacher reaches beyond the classroom, shaping character and conscience.

For this reason Newman’s message remains remarkably fresh. In an age when technology tends to replace human interaction and education risks being reduced to measurable competencies, he reminds us that at the heart of teaching there is always a face, a voice, a testimony. The proclamation of Newman as a Doctor of the Church during the Jubilee of Educators is therefore far more than a symbolic gesture. It is a prophetic sign, inviting the Church to rediscover the spiritual dimension of education and to recognise that every genuine act of teaching is, in truth, an act of love.

For educators in Ireland and beyond, Newman’s legacy poses searching questions. How can schools and universities remain faithful to the whole person when social and economic pressures demand immediate results? How can teachers keep alive the dialogue between faith and reason in societies that often separate the two? How can Catholic education sustain its identity while serving an increasingly plural and secular public?

Newman does not offer ready-made solutions, but he does offer principles. He urges educators to place the person before the system, to value the slow work of formation over the rapid production of credentials. He calls us to recover the sense of education as a vocation rather than a job — a ministry of truth that involves heart as well as intellect. He challenges Catholic institutions to cultivate a distinctive ethos, one that integrates belief with intellectual rigour and that measures success not only by academic achievement but by the growth of faith and virtue.

Newman stands before us as both a classic and a contemporary. His thought bridges centuries because it speaks to what is perennial in the human condition: the thirst for truth, the need for meaning, the desire to be formed rather than merely informed. He reminds us that education is never neutral; it always shapes a vision of the human person and of the world.

For teachers, parents and all who care about the formation of the young, Newman’s example is an encouragement to persevere. He invites us to believe once more in the power of relationship, in the quiet influence of integrity, and in the patience required to nurture the seeds of faith and reason in the hearts of our students.

Education, for Newman, was a form of intellectual charity, an act of love that unites teacher and pupil in a shared search for truth. In recognising him as a Doctor of the Church, the Pope acknowledges not only a master of theology but a doctor of life: one whose wisdom continues to enlighten classrooms, universities and homes wherever the Gospel inspires the work of teaching.

In an era of instant information and fragile certainties, Newman’s voice invites us to recover the slow, humane and sacred art of educating the whole person. Only an education born from living relationships can truly become culture and, in the deepest sense, a leaven of humanity.

 

How many people stay in their childhood religion?

 

A new Pew Research Center study offers compelling insights into religious switching worldwide. ‘Religious switching’ includes ceasing to be religious or changing religion. Christianity, particularly in Western and high-income nations, is undergoing significant transformation. The study, spanning 36 countries (excluding Ireland), reveals a notable decline in Christian affiliation, primarily driven by individuals abandoning their childhood faith.

The Pew study shows that in nations like Spain, Sweden, the Netherlands, Germany, Canada, the United Kingdom, France, Australia, Chile, the United States, and Italy, about 20pc of adults no long count themselves as member of the Church in which they were raised. In the UK, it is much higher, with 38pc of those raised Christian now identifying as religiously unaffiliated. Consequently, the unaffiliated (46pc) in the UK now outnumber self-identified Christians (43pc).

The findings would seem on the surface to contradict a recent survey in Britain which shows that a mini-religious revival is taking place among some young people there. But there is really no contradiction, because in the wider society people who were nominally Christian are now saying they are not Christian at all, leading to an overall fall in religious identification, while a growing number of those who remain Christian are returning to church.

Not all religious switching involves abandoning faith; some move toward religion. Among the 36 countries examined, South Korea leads, with 9pc of adults raised without religion now identifying with a faith, including 6pc who have become Christian.

In the United States, the proportion of adults identifying as Christian fell from 78pc to 62pc between 2007 and 2023–24. However, Christianity’s decline has stabilised recently, with 29pc of adults now unaffiliated, a figure unchanged since 2021.

In countries like Spain, almost all religious switching is from Christianity (Catholicism in the vast number of cases) to no religion, or at large to no other Church, but in a country like Brazil, a large number of people switch to another form of Christianity, typically from Catholicism to Pentecostalism.

Despite losses in some parts of the world, Christianity is growing in others. Singapore, for instance, has seen a net gain in adherents. Similarly, the Philippines, Nigeria, and Hungary exhibit high Christian retention, with nearly all adults raised Christian remaining in the faith. Nigeria and the Philippines have tens of millions of Catholics.

If you look at the table above, you will see that the countries where Christianity is declining fastest, are the ones seeing their populations rapidly ageing as fewer and fewer babies are being born.

Overall, the data highlight a global shift in religious identity. While Christianity remains a major world religion, its dominance is waning in some regions, particularly the West, due to rising disaffiliation.

However, Christianity, including Catholicism, is growing in parts of the world with fast population growth, especially sub-Saharan Africa, where many conversions are also taking place.

PS. The study also looks at other religions and what is happening to them. To summarise; hardly anyone switches from Islam, Hinduism or Judaism. Many leave Buddhism in countries like South Korea and Japan but very few in Sri Lanka and Thailand.

The quiet religious revival taking place in Britain

 

‘The Quiet Revival’, a major new report from the Bible Society in the UK has found something surprising: a significant upsurge in church attendance, especially among young people, challenging previous assumptions about Christianity’s long-term decline in that country.

Based on YouGov surveys of over 13,000 people in England and Wales, the report reveals a 56pc increase in regular church attendance (monthly or more) from 2018 to 2024, rising from 8pc (3.7 million people) to 12pc (5.8 million) of the population. This growth, dubbed a “quiet revival,” by the Bible Society, is most pronounced among younger adults, particularly Gen Z (18-24) and younger Millennials (25-34), and is accompanied by greater ethnic diversity in congregations. While overall Christian identification has fallen to 39pc among the general population, those who identify as Christian are increasingly active, engaging in prayer, Bible reading, and community outreach, signalling a shift from nominal to intentional faith.

The most striking trend is the surge in church attendance among 18-34-year-olds, with Gen Z leading the charge. For 18-24-year-olds, regular attendance quadrupled from 4pc in 2018 to 16pc in 2024. The 25-34 age group also saw significant growth, rising from 4pc to 13pc. This contrasts with older generations: those 65+ increased from 14pc to 19pc, while 35-44-year-olds grew only modestly from 5pc to 8pc, and 45-64-year-olds saw a slight decline.

Notably, young men are driving this trend, with 21pc of 18-24-year-old men attending monthly last year (up from 4pc in 2018), outpacing young women, whose attendance rose from 3pc to 12pc. Among 18-34-year-olds overall, 18pc of white men attend monthly, up from 3pc, indicating the trend extends beyond ethnic minorities and is not fully explained by rising immigration.

Several factors seem to explain this rise:

1. Quest for Community: The report emphasises that young adults, grappling with loneliness, anxiety, and post-pandemic isolation, are being drawn to churches for connection. Over 60% of churchgoers aged 18-34 report a strong sense of belonging to their local area, compared to just 25pc of non-churchgoers. Peer networks are key, with 34pc of non-churchgoing 18-24-year-olds saying they’d attend if invited by a friend.
2. Search for Meaning: Economic pressures, mental health challenges, and disillusionment with secular liberalism help lead young people toward faith. The report notes 35pc of 18-24-year-olds over believe in a higher power, and 40pc pray monthly, the highest of any age group. Churchgoers in this bracket report higher life satisfaction and lower anxiety, particularly among young women, who show a 21-point drop in frequent depression compared to non-churchgoing peers.
3. Spiritual Engagement: Young Christians are highly active, with 80pc of 18-34-year-olds reading the Bible weekly (compared to 71pc of 35-54-year-olds) and 80pc feeling confident discussing their faith. Curiosity about Christianity is also quite high, with 25pc of non-churchgoing 18-24-year-olds interested in learning more about the Bible.
4. Denominational Shifts: Growth is strongest in Catholic and Pentecostal churches. Among 18-34-year-olds identifying as Catholic, Mass attendance rose from 22pc to 41pc, and Pentecostal from 10pc to 18pc, while Anglican attendance in this age group fell from 30oc to 20pc.

Immigration significantly contributes to this revival, diversifying congregations and bolstering attendance, particularly among 18-34-year-olds. One in five churchgoers (19pc) is from an ethnic minority, rising to nearly a third (32pc) among 18-54-year-olds.

The report contrasts youth-led growth with stagnation among middle-aged groups and cautions against over-optimism, noting that churchgoing doesn’t always equate to deep faith. Bible engagement is rising—12pc of the population reads the Bible weekly outside services, up from 6pc—but 79pc rarely encounter it. The revival is uneven, thriving in urban areas with dynamic churches but less evident in rural or traditional settings.

For 18-34-year-olds, the report suggests churches must nurture this interest through discipleship, as many newcomers lack theological grounding. The mental health benefits underscore churches’ social value.

‘The Quiet Revival’ documents a remarkable resurgence in UK church attendance, with 18-34-year-olds, especially Gen Z men, at the forefront. Driven by a hunger for community, meaning, and spiritual engagement, this group has quadrupled attendance in six years, favouring Catholic and Pentecostal churches.

This is a good news story showing a very welcome interruption to the long-term decline in church attendance in the UK. Hopefully it is not a mere interruption, but a sign of a genuine revival.